Harry Potter and the Half-Blood Prince holds a special place in my heart, and the film version will soon be released.  I was co-managing a mall bookstore at the time, so I got to unload the shipment of TOP SECRET boxes (even the opening of the BOXES was strictly prohibited)—which were not be tampered with until the pandemonium of the 12:01 A.M. On Sale Time.

I had also just finished reading all of the first five books, one after the other, as I had not discovered that Harry Potter was actually GOOD until reading about J.K. Rowling’s deviously clever plot spinning which resulted in her actually writing the first chapter of Half-Blood Prince (titled “The Other Minister”) before writing several of the millions of words before it. I hadn’t known Rowling had planned and diagrammed the whole seven book plot for a year before writing the deceptively simple and genuinely delightful first volume, ‘Harry Potter and the Philosopher’s Stone’.  Oops, sorry, I nearly forget that Scholastic made her change “Philosopher’s” to “Sorcerer’s”, preparing the first round of kindling for the fire of controversy that would eventually follow in evangelistic circles.

But back to the point.

Coming soon.

Ginny’s character comes out from the sidelines.

And I have every confidence that the young starlet-to-be will rise to the occasion—I mean, she’s already FAMILY, for Gringott’s sake, in a way that no other film franchise operates.

22 Jan 2009 : Column 1771

Drugs

Debate

11.37 am

Moved By Baroness Meacher

To call attention to the 1998 United Nations Declaration on Countering the World Drug Problem and the 10-year review in Vienna in March 2009; and to move for Papers.

Baroness Meacher: My Lords, in proposing the Motion for this morning’s debate, my aim is to provide support to the Government in making maximum use of the window of opportunity provided by the UN Commission on Narcotic Drugs session to be held in Vienna in March. I am aware of the geopolitical backdrop to the consideration of the UN conventions, which provide the framework for the criminalisation regime that has been in place for 40 years across the world.

I want at the outset to recognise and congratulate our Foreign Office officials who, I understand, have been playing an important role in developing a helpful EU position paper on drug control. They have been working in the context of the Bush Administration’s position of full support for criminalisation in what is described as the “drugs war”.

Just before I came into the Chamber, I was handed the EU position paper. I have not had a chance to do more than glance at it during Questions, for which I apologise, but I can refer to two brief statements in it. The first is that, in future, scientific evidence and results should be the basis for formulating drug policies. I warmly welcome that statement in a EU document, because it is precisely my position and I feel that it has not been the position of the Bush Administration, who have dominated this debate for many years now. Secondly, the EU position paper states that the health principle has not received sufficient attention in the past. I hope that every Member of the House would support that point and many others in this important document.

The new US President provides new hope in this important policy area, along with so many others. Perhaps I can be allowed a few seconds to offer my humble but heartfelt congratulations to Barack Obama on his extraordinary victory. He posted on his website, on his first day in office, a string of commitments. One of those commitments, believe it or not, had to do with moving to a drug reduction and health focus in drugs policy. I find it remarkable that this man, on day one, refers to what we are talking about in this debate. I could go into detail but I think that I have said enough to make the point.

Just as President Obama wants to relegate the phrase “the war on terror” to the history books, I believe that he may replace the “drugs war” with a harm-reduction approach in the future. Sadly, the March commission meeting is too early to benefit substantially from this new and radical Administration in the United States. Everyone at that commission should take account of that day-one commitment

22 Jan 2009 : Column 1772

by the new President, and everything that it puts in its declaration should be influenced by that new approach.

To avoid any misunderstanding, I make it clear that I regard narcotic drugs as dangerous, particularly so for people with severe mental health problems. My concern is that the current punitive regime increases those dangers considerably. Our aim must be to reverse the relentless rise in the serious harm caused by these drugs. This debate is just one small step along a very long road, but if we do not take steps we will certainly never arrive at our destination.

The slogan for the UN’s 10-year strategy of 1998 was:

“A drug-free world—we can do it!”,

which is reminiscent of Barack Obama, no less. However, since the first UN convention outlawed narcotic drugs, their use has risen by 300 per cent. We have to recognise that the UN slogan is not realistic. Human beings have always used mind-changing substances and surely always will. As many informed experts in this field have said, the task is therefore to find the best regime for limiting so far as possible the harm caused by these substances.

In a very helpful meeting with the noble Lord, Lord Brett, this week, he reminded us of the political constraints limiting the Government’s ability to come out with clear statements and policies in this area. Our Government will want to tread carefully. Nothing can be achieved quickly. I respect all of that.

So what do we want from our Ministers? The first step would be to send a senior Minister to the Vienna commission meeting in March, but my understanding is that the plan is to send a junior Minister. There is no doubt that in an international meeting the seniority of the government Minister representing a country affects the seriousness with which that country is taken and the influence that it can have.

My understanding is that the EU is pressing for the unintended consequences of the criminalisation regime to be recognised in the declaration of the UN commission. I was looking for the words in the document, but they are obviously hidden somewhere; however, I understand that that is what the EU is committed to. Our first request to Ministers is that the UK draws particular attention to the enormity of the unintended consequences and hidden costs of the current regime in our ministerial speech to the commission. I would be grateful if the Minister today could give me some assurance on that. We also request that the Minister goes out of his or her way to press for the inclusion of a reference to unintended consequences in the declaration. It is great to have this sort of commitment in Europe, but now, with Barack Obama as President of the US, I cannot see any reason why this declaration cannot be a little more radical than it would otherwise have been.

The unintended consequences and hidden costs of the regime are well known, but it is worth summarising them briefly for the record. Violent criminal entrepreneurs now control a criminal market in narcotic drugs worth £300 billion a year. Think how much Governments would welcome that money right now to help us with the banking crisis. Property crime and prostitution are massively inflated by the needs of low-income dependent drug users to feed their habit. The Government estimate

22 Jan 2009 : Column 1773

that this small population of dependent heroin and cocaine users is now responsible for 54 per cent of robberies and 70 to 80 per cent of burglaries—how much better we would sleep in our beds if those burglaries were reduced by anything like that number—as well as 85 per cent of shoplifting and 95 per cent of street prostitution. Of course this situation applies across the globe. Researchers have estimated that half the crime in the US can be put down to the sellers of drugs or people on drugs trying to steal money to feed their habit.

The current regime inspired by the UN conventions criminalises millions of otherwise law-abiding people and makes an unparalleled contribution to our prison overcrowding. The Government’s No. 10 Strategy Unit estimated that drug-motivated crime resulting from the current criminalising regime costs this country £19 billion a year, which is one-third of the total cost of UK crime.

The risks of these narcotic drugs are increased by the unregulated gangsters and drug dealers, who have no incentive to ensure that the drugs are clean and pure. Governments have no method of controlling the purity of these drugs, whose danger is therefore vastly greater than even that of the original drug.

The Taliban and al-Qaeda are making vast profits from the international drug trade. As Anatole Kaletsky points out, our efforts to promote economic development, education and political reconstruction in Helmand province are failing because the local people do not trust us. They see us as alien interlopers, taking away their one opportunity to make money, which is by growing drugs.

If the UN commission’s declaration in March openly discussed these unintended consequences and hidden costs of the current regime, it would take the world an important step forward. We have given the 1961 UN convention 40 years to prove that it can be effective in reducing the use of—or, ideally, eliminating—drugs, but the opposite has happened: the use of drugs has increased year by year for 40 years.

My second request is that the UK Minister’s speech at the Vienna meeting pushes the envelope on the limited feasibility available under the UN conventions. Countries are permitted to avoid using penal punishments. Some countries are already using civil penalties or flexing the UN rules to introduce regulation. I hope that our Minister will make clear UK support for evaluated pilots of alternative approaches to the control of drug use. This is crucial. Once we have evidence that alternatives to criminalisation can work, we can ask our politicians to come out of the cupboard and promote alternatives to criminalisation.

Already, we have some useful examples—it is not that no evidence is available. Portugal decriminalised possession of drugs for personal use and has taken a health-led approach. It has lower levels of use and misuse than the UK. Surely that is indicative. The Netherlands decriminalised possession of cannabis for personal use and de facto decriminalised possession of other drugs for personal use. It, too, has lower levels of drug misuse than the UK. Switzerland has had a successful, legally regulated and controlled supply of heroin for 1,400 addicts via clinics that also provide psychosocial support. This policy has the majority

22 Jan 2009 : Column 1774

support of the population. Once you can prove that you can do it, the population will come behind you. The UK has heroin prescription trials. So far, participants have reduced criminal acts from 40 per month to six. Let us just think of the positive implications of that policy if we were to extend it across the country. Do the Government plan to do that?

We know that Julian Critchley, the former director of the Cabinet Office’s anti-drugs unit, came to believe that regulation would be less harmful than the current strategy. He went into that job with no policy on drugs, but once he understood the situation, he came out in favour of regulation rather than criminalisation. It is interesting that he said that his views were shared by the “overwhelming majority” of professionals, including police, health service workers and members of the Government. The problem is that Ministers, understandably, will not come out on this issue until we have the evidence to support them. That is the purpose of today’s debate.

I recognise that this is a tricky and difficult topic for Ministers, so the first step must be to pilot alternative approaches. If regulation would lead to reduction in the harm from narcotic drugs—and there is some evidence that it would, as I have said—Governments need to move forward urgently with pilots and research to build the evidence base to support a new UN convention. If we continue with the current regime, we can expect an illicit drugs market worth £1.6 trillion in 10 years’ time. Surely we must avert that catastrophic situation. With our Ministers’ commitment, the UN commission just might start the ball rolling. I beg to move.

11.50 am

Lord Mancroft: My Lords, the whole House is very grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Meacher, for introducing this debate. It is a very rare sort of debate in your Lordships’ House. Indeed, I have a suspicion that if the noble Baroness had not introduced it, the Government in the form of its junior Minister might have slipped off to Vienna without consulting any of us. That is partly the problem that we have had. All these things have been organised and arranged behind closed doors, between Governments, for 30 or 40 years—and we can see where that has got us.

Where the United Nations thought it was going to get us was to what it was going to call a drug-free world. Looking back on that now, after 10 years, we can see that that was a slightly ambitious idea. It will be interesting to see what the UN claims in Vienna in March; there is a temptation for it to say that it looks as if drug use may have stabilised in some parts of the world. Maybe it has, actually—it was going to stabilise in the end, somewhere. But if it has stabilised, it has done so at far too high a level, one that is too expensive in many ways, both personally and economically, for society to stand, and which must be reduced further. I hope that the UN does not claim that as a success, as I do not think that it has much to do with that stability anyway.

I hope that the failure of the concentration on supply controls will be talked about and admitted, because that is really where the whole problem lies.

22 Jan 2009 : Column 1775

The noble Baroness alluded to some of the costs; here in Britain, the crime cost of drugs alone is about £19 billion every year. But there are even wider costs, which will be reflected in every other country in the world, in different ways, but in some countries in an even worse way. Colombia is now what you might as well describe as a narco-state; it is a country entirely dependent on, run by and ruined by the narcotics industry. Meanwhile, what can one say about Afghanistan? The sad business is that in going in there and trying to sort it out, the allies have made the situation in respect of the drugs trade and therefore the economics of that country significantly worse. It really has been an absolute policy disaster, and one of which we should be deeply ashamed. Then there is Mexico, which would not have been on this list two or three years ago. It is quite clear now that one of the most important countries in the Americas, which bridges the two continents, north and south, is now rapidly descending into a narcotic state, with 8,000 people killed in the past two years there as a result of the American war on drugs.

Lords Hansard text for 22 Jan 200922 Jan 2009 (pt 0002)

Image via Wikipedia

By ROBERT KAHN

     I’ve covered some gruesome stories in my day, including the narcosatánicos in Matamoros, Mexico, a gang of serial killers led by a drug-dealing homosexual cannibal, and the mass suicide of 39 Heavens Gate computer programmers in Rancho Santa Fe, California, led by a child molester who had castrated himself and persuaded his cult that if they all killed themselves they would meet again on a spaceship behind the Comet Hale-Bopp. But I have never seen anything so horrifying as the 1953 edition of the “Better Homes and Garden Cookbook.”
     I’m not going to mess around. Here’s the recipe for Liver Sausage Pineapple: Add 1¼ cups of mayonnaise to a pound of liver sausage, throw in 2 teaspoons of gelatin and a bit of water, and pound the goddam thing into the shape of a pineapple. Cut diamond shapes in it to make it look like a brown fruit that was extruded from some animal’s liver, then stick a sliced green olive in the middle of each diamond and “Top with real pineapple top.”
     A picture of the wretched thing is on the cover page of the Appetizer section. Next to the vile creation are a bunch of Pretzel Pops. Want to hear the recipe? “Spear halved stuffed olive and lunchmeat with pretzel stick.” That’s it.
     Better Homes and Gardens was into spearing things with sticks back when I was a boy. The Main Ingredients to virtually all its appetizers are mayonnaise, olives, cream cheese and toothpicks.
     This appalling publication is a startling document – a glance through a cultural microscope.
     In the days after World War II, when America suddenly became the most affluent society in the history of the world, our middle classes had little or no tradition of decent cooking, outside of New Orleans and the Deep South.
     Emily Post was no help to a middle class wife who was expected to throw a patio party for the boys at the office, and maybe even the boss. Emily dealt with how the well-appointed wife should instruct her servants. Better Homes and Gardens offered pointers for women who had to prepare the food themselves.
     Here’s another one: “Wrap a half a slice of bacon around prunes stuffed with peanut butter. Fasten with cocktail pick and broil.”
     Apparently, this is what Americans actually ate as we consumed pitcher after pitcher of martinis, in the days when John Updike, Richard Yates and others turned their eyes upon us and began describing the lives we lived.
     Richard Yates is back in the news today, with Leo DeCaprio starring in a movie based on his 1961 book, “Revolutionary Road.” The book was nominated for a National Book Award in 1962, along with “Catch-22.” The next year, Valium became the first wonder drug in the Age of Anxiety.
     “Revolutionary Road” tells the story of a married couple who just don’t know what to do with themselves. Richard Yates was a realist, but to read his short stories today – “Eleven Kinds of Loneliness” is a good place to start – is to encounter a strange society. It’s a place where people in a tuberculosis sanitorium puff endless Camel cigarettes, because they “soothe the throat.” It’s a place where people will not say the word “cancer” out loud because it’s a dirty word. It’s a place of endless pitchers of martinis. No wonder. Look at what there was to eat.
     “Core center of dill pickle. Stuff with pimiento cream cheese.”
     “Moisten sieved cottage cheese with catsup. Form in tiny balls and roll in grated carrot.”
     “Stuff chilled cooked prunes with cream cheese and pineapple tidbits.”
     Then there’s the satanic Appetizer Pie. Please send the children out of the room. Then: Slice a round loaf of rye bread horizontally and spread it with mayonnaise. Arrange sardines in the center and surround them with caviar. Surround the caviar with stuffed olives and surround the olives with cheese spread mixed with mayonnaise. Then – I am not kidding about this – boil celery until it’s limp, marinate the celery in French dressing and bend it around the outside of the appetizer pie, like a … I don’t know, like some horrifying limp green condom. Then spoon egg onto any bare space left between the cheese and mayonnaise and the celery.
     Voila!
     I’m not trying to be a snob about this. I realize this was before the diabolical Pepsico invented Doritos and Cheetos and wads of other clotted chemicals that taste great and are far worse for us than Appetizer Pie. But the book makes a pretty clear statement about our country.
     The American people in those days were the most richly supplied with food of any people in the history of the world – and we didn’t have a clue what to do with it.
     Today, of course, things are different. For two generations now we have been the nation more richly supplied with money and military power than any other nation in the history of the world – and we don’t have a clue what to do with them either.

Courthouse News Service

http://www.courthousenews.com

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Daniel Craig is still the first real Bond–yes, the only–obviating the legacy as far as Connery through Brosnan are concerned. Much as Dame Judi Dench erased all prior “M”s since she first appeared (with Remington Steele, as I recall).

And Craig still gets it right, much to the credit of the producing “Broccoli” family who seem to have owned Bond since first he was minted on celluloid–they took a risk betting their single asset on a whole new direction–the first full-scale renovation of Bond since his appearance in the ’60s. Face it–before Casino Royale a’la Craig started Bond back at the beginning (of his 00′ status, and of Ian Fleming’s Kingsley-Amis-championed novels)–every new Bond actor since the undeservedly-canonized Connery has been a mere tweaking of James, the smirkingly cool-under-pressure agent blessed with gadgets and gallons of luck encased in truckloads of willing suspension of disbelief.

How can I make such a statement? Being a lifelong fan (age 37) and having come of age in the campy Moore era, discovering the less camp but just as wink-wink, nudge-nudge Connery originals, barely registering George something’s single film, and remaining faithful through the dour Timothy couplet & the finally cartoonish Pierce (finally claiming the role as if entitled, being held back by contracts while Timothy scowled)?

First, Bond never, pre-Craig, made one’s body physically tense, kept one on the literal edge of their ill-designed seat. Because Bond was always above it before, never in danger–you just sat bank & vicariously wondered what deus ex machina his essence would call forth from the universal mind. Not so, now. This is a Bond who failed to restart his heart after a drug-induced heart attack in Royale; who in that instance was saved by a woman, no less–one of those pretty creatures who prior to then were mere lusty window dressing. (The scene in that film where Vesper & Bond analyze each other’s character & history after barely meeting is in itself worthy of the price of admission, a set piece of pure dialogue as both intellectual judo & adversarial foreplay, a rarity in any film).

Further, this is not a Bond who triumphs just because the formula requires him to do so. He is intuitively impulsive making quicksilver decisions in situations when the rest of us would panic or at least hesitate, and therefore die, and these desicions occur not only in violence & pursuit but also in interpersonal gambits of deception & strategy. His MIND is lightning quick (and either his body or his mouth immediately leap as he simultaneously looks/decides)–this is the polar opposite of the Bond cartoon who is unruffled and suave in all situations, waiting for Fate, the screenwriter, to save him. So, obviously, as much credit goes to the new writers/director(s) as to Craig, who stunningly brings this new Bond vision to visceral depth and to life.

Image via Wikipedia

zooey deschanel, dramedy, jason lee

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But this new one includes two items not yet seen on film!

The Horcrux Ring

and The Locket from the Cave

Both are authentic prop replicas–so–was this an intentional or unintentional leak of the designs of these CRUCIAL items from Half-Blood Prince?

I could see this slipping by maybe, given the rescheduling of the film to next year. Does anybody know?

I’m mad as hell & I’m not going to take it anymore.

Most doctors are sadistic when it comes to treating the worst, most prevalent symptom of a health issue–pain.

I’m a migraneur, and I’ll be publishing current atrocities, bringing science into the open to contradict the anti-opioid propaganda, & I’ll be naming names. My story isn’t over.

But more about that later.

Soon: sadisticdoctors.wordpress.com

John Medina:

If you wanted to create an education environment that was directly opposed to what the brain was good at doing, you probably would design something like a classroom.  If you wanted to create a business environment that was directly opposed to what the brain was good at doing, you probably would design something like a cubicle.  And if you wanted to change things, you might have to tear down both and start over.

Brain Rules: 12 Principles for Surviving and Thriving at Work, Home, and School

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